Examining the 2011 Social Revolution in Egypt and Tunisia
Over the past two decades, the internet and digital social media, not only in Egypt and Tunisia but also across the globe, have developed a debate on political communication as well as political participation. Technology, more especially social media, played a vital role during the Tunisian and Egyptian revolution and acted as a medium for protest mobilization. It provided a base for intergroup cooperation that raised the perception and response to the protests. Approximately 60% of wealthy people in Tunisia had access to information and communications technology which articulated the demands of the modern protestors and facilitated many of the movements in the region. Overall, 30% of the poor people in Tunisia had access to collective media network for opinionated mobilization and the pattern of protest engagement. Both wealthy and poor in Tunisia were automatically updated about their political actions through their News Feed and engage actively in opinionated discussion from the comfort of their residence at any time of the day. Approximately 70% of most elite people with degree holders in Tunisia participated in protests through the use of technological tools. The internet is perceived to have been a helpful source for political mobilization and revolution in Tunisia. Most of the middle-class people in Tunisia exchanged information and joined the revolution efficiently using the social platforms. The continued support for dictatorial rule by the middle classes and state employees was seen as related to high levels of regional conflict. However, Tunisian case remains a typical one since protests succeeded under the authoritarian regime.
Revolution participation in Egypt was similar to that of Tunisia in many perspectives. Participants in both revolutions comprised mainly of the people with average and above education and income levels. The poor members of the society participated the least in the in both revolutions, this could be an indicator on the least effect felt by the poor prior to these revolutions. In both countries majority of the participants came from members of the society that were engaged in urban white-collar jobs. Their levels of education were higher and so were their incomes (Beissinger et al. 2012).
There still existed slight differences in participations between the two countries. Tunisian participants were mainly the youth as opposed to the middle-aged groups of Egypt. Participants in Egypt were solely from the middle class while those in Tunisia extended far above the middle class and included the unemployed, students and workers. Total population participation also varied among the two countries with Egypt having 55% of their population participating in the revolution while Tunisia had 25 % (Beissinger et al. 2012). [“Write my essay for me?” Get help here.]
Media is an important tool used by social movements to create awareness among people against the oppressive policies of the necessary leadership. It also incites people against the status quo of a given regime. According to Kakwani (2011) and Son (2014), digital technologies have allowed for less costly and faster dissemination of information among people. The political literature has therefore focused on the responsibility of elites where attention is given to citizen groups. Mobilization under authoritarianism contributes to regime liberation along with democratic transformation. Under the authoritarianism government civil society plays a vital role in mobilizing a collective action around real and emotional grievances. Ordinary citizens share their grievances through political movement and an online social network that pushes people into protest action. Regime support had long been considered one of the major obstacles to democratization from conservative and risk-averse middle classes. The Resource Mobilization Theory engage in a collective action to the political choice approaches which developed the skills required for promoting self-interest. This phenomenon can be explained by a broad assumption.
Modern revolutions are considered as standard ways of assuming power by different regimes. Sabine & Thorson (2010) suggest that the evolution of technology into the social-cultural setting of modern society has become something to look into given the fact that mobilization of people using social media has challenged change of status quo. Despite the fact that social media is one of the world’s biggest International News Agency, it has made many people to be aware of the true nature of happenings around the globe, and it’s a tool of political propaganda, sensitization as well as a medium of dissent. In the realist view, however, power often comes through violence. Aristotle, for instance, argued that the most stable political system was neither oligarchy, democracy, nor a monarchy but a combination of the three. In other words, modern industrial democracies seem to be politically stable, and properties, as well as power, are widely distributed among individuals of a given society. [Need an essay writing service? Find help here.]
Politics and distribution of authority according to social scientists are assumed to play a vital role in leading individuals and groups to demand political reforms. Political violence can be influenced by the level of state effectiveness and economic welfare. The success of the revolutions comes right after the onset of planned revolutions, and modern revolutions are vast and diverse. Huntington (2011) contends that mobilization and economic development can be achieved through the presence of trust and confidence. In social sciences, political activists rely heavily on social media to maintain as well as reinforce various engagements across issues and organizational boundaries. It is evident that the internet is conducive to the extent of increasing the speed and the scope of circulating information about corporate events regardless of whether protesters seeks information related to the revolution.
In the case of Egypt, inequality studies have been made in three perspectives; the inequality in land distribution in the period ranging from the 1950s and 1960s, the landforms inequality of the period 1970s and 1980s and lately the inequality in the urbanization witnessed over the years. [Click Essay Writer to order your essay]
The data shown below from World Bank (2016) is a historical representation of the inequality in Egypt.
Based on the latest inequality; the urbanization inequality, many questions have been raised by international agencies including the World Bank. Summarizing their reports, there is much to do with rural inequality in Egypt. This is attributed to the historical aspect of the Nile valley. The rural poor have not only suffered through land distribution discrimination but also the central government policies that seek to transfer wealth from the rural areas to the cities. The fact that Egypt’s largest land is under the desert, this implies the only productive land is limited. The poor majority have been marginalized to the desert areas while most of the productive land kept in the hands of the few rich who then use the poor in the labor production.[Need an essay writing service? Find help here.]
Because of the existing drift between the rich and the poor, there is much existing literature regarding the unequal technological advancements and the unequal participation in the recent mobilization. The few rich have access to highly mechanized methods of farming and well-sophisticated methods of use of the agricultural farming. Also most of the rich reside within the towns hence exposed to highly mechanize industrial processes. Their foods are handled by sophisticated machines. On the other hand, most of the rich own modern locomotives such as expensive cars while the poor are left to use the public transport. Also, with the air transport, it has been stationed in major towns that the rich have access to yet the prices are expensive to be afforded by the poor.
Besides the land and the income inequality, Egypt faces increasing problem of inequality that arises from opportunities. The dynamics in the Job entrance have resulted to so many limits for the youth who have heritage from the lower socio-economic status. The youth who do not have proper connections, yet they got a minimal education are totally discriminated against. It is evident that the employment rate for men with white collar jobs parents in the public sector has increased from 0.34, as per the statistics of the year 1998 to the 0.4 statistical data of the year 2006. On the other hand, the male with the parents from the agriculturalist parents, job placement in public sector declined from 0.11 to 0.10 in the same period of statics in the later (World Bank 2016). With women, despite the fact that they receive the high discrimination in job placement in the public sector, is clear that the female with the Agricultural parents receive the highest level of discrimination in Egypt. From the statistics, it is clear that in Egypt, jobs are allocated to children parents who are from advantaged sides of the society regarding job connections but those from the less advantaged get more discrimination. [“Write my essay for me?” Get help
Furthermore, the rates discrimination also vary among the families depending on the education level of the parents. Even from the advantaged side of the family, the children are faced with the varied degree of consideration or favoritism. The parents who have 12 years schooling experience and above have their children favored in job placement with the high rate of 0.64 while the parents who have education experience of 9-11 years receive favoritism rate as high as 0.42 (World Bank 2016). This is a significant deviation meaning that the discrimination is on scales of education level. The increase in the children with parents above 12 years schooling year’s increases to 0.67 while that of the parents whose children have the years of experience falling to 0.37 which means the di
Beissinger, M. R. (2012). Who Participated in the Arab Spring? A Comparison of Egyptian and Tunisian Revolutions (Doctoral dissertation, Department of Politics, Princeton University).
Huntington, (2011). Who Participated in the Arab Spring? A Comparison of Egyptian and Tunisian Revolutions (Doctoral dissertation, Department of Politics, Princeton University).
Sabine & Thorson, (2010). The reasons social media contributed to the 2011 Egyptian revolution. International journal of business research and management (IJBRM), 2(3), 139-162.
Kakwani (2011) and Son (2014). Clicks, cabs, and coffee houses: Social media and oppositional movements in Egypt, 2004–2011. Journal of Communication, 62(2), 231-248.
World Bank (2016).